oliver lawson

History

The ELN was formed in 1964 by Fabio Vásquez Castaño and other Colombian rebels who had been trained by the Cuban government. The nucleus of ELN trained in San Vicente de Chucurí, Santander, a town 50 km west of Bucamaranga. 

Another major early figure in the ELN was catholic priest Camilo Torres Restrepo, an exponent of liberation theology who was critical of economic inequality. 

On January 7, 1965, the ELN announced their existence with an attack on the small, nearby town of Simacota. 

In the 1970s, the Colombian government made crushing the ELN a major priority and conducted a series of aggressive military operations against the group.

The most notable of these was the 1973 Operation Anorí, which wiped out most of the group’s leadership and almost destroyed the organization. The ELN were forced to retreat across the border ot Venezuela to regroup and rearm.

The group re-emerged under the leadership of Spanish priest Father Manuel Pérez Martínez, alias “El Cura” and Nicolás Rodríguez Bautista, alias “El Gabino.” The new ELN was possible partly because the government of President Alfonso López Michelsen allowed the group to escape an encirclement by the Colombian Army.

El Cura would continue to play a central role in the ELN’s leadership until he died from hepatitis B in 1998. Father Perez Martinez furthered the ELN’s ideological identity as committed to both communism and Christianity as solutions to corruption and poverty.

Along with ideological maturity came territorial expansion,  with new ELN fronts established in the departments of Casanare and Boyaca near the border with Venezuela as well as in Nariño and Putumayo in southern Colombia.

In the 1970s and 80s, the ELN made money through extortion and kidnapping. By the 80s, The Domingo Laín Front specialized in extorting oil companies building infrastructure in Arauca. 

During this time, the ELN established a long-term presence in the Venezuelan state of Apure. Venezuelan links would prove instrumental in ensuring the ELN’s survival against successive military operations by the Colombian state.

The ELN has historically had a close relationship with the Venezuelan state, occasionally punctuated by moments of tension. In 1995, the group killed eight marines in Apure, which temporarily upset relations.

In 1999, the ELN conducted the largest kidnapping in Colombia’s history, abducting 190 people from a church in western Colombia. The group also forced a commercial plane to land in rural Bolívar and ransomed its passengers.

The ELN found itself under pressure at the end of the 90s and early 2000s. The gorup fought territorial battles against other non-state groups like guerrillas FARC and the paramilitary confederation the AUC. The Colombian state also conducted a targeted campaign against guerrillas.

As a result, the ELN lost a lot of its Colombian territory and was forced to expand and consolidate its presence in Venezuela. Starting 1999, the left-wing government of Hugo Chávez proved increasingly willing to accommodate the ELN within its territory.

This relationship would define the modern contours of the ELN’s geographic presence. The group has meaningful influence in Venezuela and projects influence into Colombia around the border regions.

During this period, the ELN would become increasingly involved in the drug trade. Some ELN structures financed themselves indirectly by collecting taxes from traffickers who operated in their territory. Others began participating directly, especially in Norte de Santander (Colombia) and Zulia (Venezuela).

Between 2005 and 2010, there was an outbreak of conflict between the ELN’s Eastern War Front and FARC, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. The conflict would end in a negotiated peace that consolidated the ELN’s position along the border with Venezuela.

Following the demobilizaiton of most of FARC’s fighters following the 2016 peace deal, the ELN was well-positioned to become Colombia’s largest guerrilla group. 

The ELN was able to strengthen its position along the Venezuelan border and expand its role in criminal economies. In particular, the group controlled the border crossings used for narcotics and migrant smuggling.

Peace Negotiations

The ELN has a long history of peace negotiations with the Colombian state. At various points in the 1980s and 1990s, the group held talks with the state but no major progress was made.

Along with the Colombian government’s successful negotiation process with FARC, successive administrations built towards an accord with the ELN in the 2000s.

Some initial talks occurred during the government of Álvaro Uribe Vélez, which eventually fell apart as the administration stepped up its crack-down on non-state groups. In mid 2004, talks restarted under  the mediation of the Vicente Fox government in Mexico.

Talks were disrupted when the ELN abducted the catholic bishop of Yopal, Misael Vacca Ramírez. Allegedly, Ramirez was to be released with a message. However, key ELN negotiator Fracicso Galán denied knowledge of the groups’ involvement in the kidnapping.

In 2005, a new round of talks began in Havana, Cuba. Senior ELN leaders like  “Antonio García”, as well as “Francisco Galán” and “Ramiro Vargas” attended the negotiations.

These talks were moderately successful and were supported by the ELN’s release of a Colombian soldier to the Red Cross in March. They continued for several years but were concluded in 30 August 2007  du to “two different conceptions of peace and methods to get it.”

In April 2008, the government of Álvaro Uribe invited “Francisco Galán” for a new round of talks, speaking directly in the presidential palace. This meeting resulted in the ELN’s return to the negotiating table. 

However, the ELN released a note stating they did not share Galán’s perspective but that they would continue to allow him to negotiate on their behalf.

On December 7, 2008, a group of 18 ELN guerrillas demobilized to the Colombian Army in Chocó.

The government of Juan Manuel Santos restarted negotiations with the ELN in 2014 along with its ultimately successful peace negotiations with FARC. 

In March 2016, a round of official peace negotiations was announced but suspended until hostages held by the ELN were released. This did not happen until February 2017, after which talks were actually held.

A truce between the government and the ELN was announced on September of 2017, which was due to begin on 1 October and last until the 12 January 2018.

During the 2018 presidential elections, the ELN enforced a unilateral ceasefire to allow “those who want to vote can do so peacefully.” However, the Colombian government did conduct a bombing campaign on the ELN during this ceasefire.

In response, the ELN conducted a car bombing of the National Police Academy in Bogota, which killed 21 people and injured 68 others. It was the deadliest attack in the capital since the 2003 El Nogal Club bombing.

As a result, the government of Iván Duque Márquez suspended peace negotiations on 18th January 2018.

However, with the election of Colombia’s first left-wing presiden, Gustavo Petro, in 2022, peace negotiations resumed. Petro’s cornerstone policy on armed groups is called “Paz Total,” which seeks to reach demobilization agreements with a broad range of armed groups in Colombia, most prominently the ELN.

Mexico again served as an official guarantor and as host for the second round of talks. Cuba, Chile, Norway, and Venezuela were the other guarantors.

On 17 January 2025, the Colombian government suspended peace talks with the ELN after it massacred 50 civilians in Tibú amid conflict with FARC dissidents.

Relationship with Venezuela

The ELN has had a longstanding presence in the departments of Venezuela that border Colombia – Apure and Zulia. Their strongholds in these regions and the support of the Venezuelan state have allowed them to come back from near defeat on many occasions.

The ELN and FARC allegedly met together in 2018 inside Venezuela to negotiate a potential alliance, mediated by the Venezuelan government. Former FARC commander Ivan Marquez is reported to have attended these negotiations.

During the presidential crisis in 2019, the ELN stated publicly that they would back the government of Nicholas Maduro and that they would fight US troops in the case of an invasion. 

The ELN reportedly has operations in at least 12 of the 23 states in Venezuela. Fundacion Redes suggested that the Venezuelan Military may have armed the ELN directly.

In addition to the state itself, state-aligned (likely illicit) groups in Venezuela like the Tupamaro Movement have publicly supported the ELN and their dialogue with the Colombian government. 

Venezuela have consistently served as a guarantor for peace negotiations between the ELN and the Colombian government.

Relationships with other groups

The main rival of the ELN is Colombia’s largest narcotrafficking organziation, the Clan del Golfo. The group is also known as Los Urabenos and the Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia – AGC.

The Clan del Golfo have disputed ELN territories in Antoquia and  Chocó since 2018. At the moment, CdG is in a much stronger position and has been able to push the ELN back.

The ELN is also competing with various FARC dissident groups. Most notably, the 10th FARC front in Arauca and Apure has been able to infringe on ELN territory.

To help compete with these groups, the ELN has a tentative alliance with the largest FARC dissident faction – La Segunda Marquetalia. The ELN also reportedly has non-aggression agreements with FARC dissident fronts in Arauca, Boyacá, and Casanare.

The ELN has also fought against a much smaller guerrilla faction, the Ejército Popular de Liberación – EPL) in Norte de Santander. Reportedly, the ELN has displaced the group and assimilated much of their territory.